Should the CIAA’s sphere of probe extend to the private sector, there is that danger of it being used to harass private companies
That corruption is rampant in Nepal at all levels of the government would be stating the obvious. But irregularities are not limited to the government, it is just as prevalent in the private sector and in the non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Hence, the anti-corruption watchdog, the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), has demanded that it be allowed to make independent probes in the private and NGO offices where graft is likely to take place. It is one of the 16-point suggestions that the CIAA has made in its annual report (2019-20) that it released on Thursday to combat corruption in the country. Until now, it is mandated to conduct investigation into corruption in public offices only. This is not the first time the CIAA has made this suggestion, it did so in last year’s report also.
Quite a few scandals in the private sector have made headlines in recent years involving big money and unethical business practices, so the CIAA’s probe into them would seem largely welcome. They include cases involving funds embezzlement by private firms by issuing fake VAT bills and evasion of capital gain tax by multi-national companies to non-payment of dues worth tens of crores of rupees to sugarcane farmers for years.
While the CIAA’s demand for conducting an investigation in private sector offices does seem appropriate, one cannot overlook the fact that given its small team, it is already overburdened by the task at hand of probing into corruption in government institutions. The country already has watchdog institutions in place to look into corruption and irregularities in the private sector, NGOs and cooperatives.
What’s more, should the CIAA’s sphere of probe extend to the private sector, there is always that danger of the anti-corruption body being used to harass private companies. Another suggestion that repeats from the CIAA’s previous annual report is salary increases of civil servants at all levels on par with the inflation so that they don’t seek bribes. But no one has worked out what would be a decent salary for a civil servant to survive on. Daily expenses apart, accommodation is expensive in the cities, especially Kathmandu. And the education of two children in a good private institution could usurp an entire month’s salary. And should one fall ill, treatment in a private health facility has become simply unaffordable to a middle-class family.
A strong and efficient CIAA could do much to lessen the rampant corruption seen everywhere. But governments of different hues have dillydallied in the past to make appointments to the CIAA, or empowering it with the legal provisions, hindering it from carrying out its duties to the full. Prime Minister Oli repeatedly said his government would not tolerate corruption, but even his closest ministers were found tainted. Worse still, the former chief of the CIAA itself was remanded to judicial custody for seeking a bribe.
Corruption could not have fostered to such an extent without political patronage. Perhaps, the CIAA should be empowered to probe into the sources of the party funds, said to run into billions of rupees. It is a mystery how parties one and all manage to come up with the huge expenses to contest the polls.
House sans business
The council of ministers on Saturday recommended to President Bidhya Devi Bhandari to convene the winter session of the National Assembly from January 1. The winter session of the National Assembly was called to meet the constitutional obligation, which requires that there should not be a gap of more than six months between the two sessions of the parliament.
The last session of federal parliament was prorogued on July 2.
The 59-member National Assembly is a permanent body. However, it has its own limitations. It cannot form a government, pass a fiscal budget or even endorse a new law in the absence of the House of Representatives, which was dissolved on December 20. The NA can endorse a bill forwarded by the erstwhile HoR, hold its regular meetings to raise issues of national and public importance, making the government accountable to the people and the nation. The National Assembly will remain almost non-functional until the HoR is formed, either through the reinstatement by a Supreme Court order or through fresh elections, the dates of which have been proposed in two phases. Until then, the Upper House will have no business at all.
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